Axotl – Page 27

Yavapai Indians

The Yavapai are a Native American people who traditionally inhabited Arizona’s central and western regions in the southwestern United States. Their name is derived from the Yavapai word “Enyaeva,” meaning “people of the sun.” The Yavapai are closely related to the Havasupai, Hualapai, and Apache peoples and share linguistic and cultural ties.

Historically, the Yavapai were semi-nomadic, engaging in hunting, gathering, and some agriculture. They hunted game, gathered plants and seeds, and cultivated crops in the riparian areas along rivers.

With European settlers’ arrival and the United States’ westward expansion, the Yavapai, like many other Native American groups, faced significant challenges. They experienced conflicts with European settlers and the loss of their traditional lands.

The Yavapai people were forcibly removed from their ancestral lands and faced forced marches and resettlements in the late 19th century. This period was marked by hardship and suffering, and many Yavapai people were relocated to the San Carlos Apache Reservation.

Today, the Yavapai-Apache Nation is a federally recognized tribe that represents the descendants of the Yavapai and Apache people. The Yavapai-Apache Nation has reservations near Camp Verde and Clarkdale in Arizona. The tribe is actively involved in cultural preservation, education, and economic development initiatives to ensure the continuation of their heritage.

Efforts are made to revitalize the Yavapai language, traditional arts, and cultural practices. Like many Native American groups, the Yavapai-Apache Nation engages in discussions related to tribal sovereignty, land rights, and the broader recognition of indigenous rights.

Earthquakes

San Juan Capistrano (Wrightwood)

December 8, 1812 | M7.5

This midmorning earthquake occurred on December 8, 1812, with an estimated magnitude of 7.5 (Mw). The location is uncertain but probably on the San Andreas fault near Wrightwood in San Bernardino County.

This quake is remembered, and named after, its death toll: forty Native Americans attending mass at San Juan Capistrano were killed when the church collapsed due to the mortar in the walls failing. Records from this time are poor, but it is likely that there was also damage at Mission San Gabriel and in San Diego.

1857 Fort Tejon Earthquake

The Fort Tejon earthquake occurred on January 9, 1857, and is one of the largest historical earthquakes in California. It had an estimated magnitude of 7.9 and was associated with the southern segment of the San Andreas Fault

1952 Kern County Earthquake

The 1952 Kern County earthquake occurred in southern California on July 21, 1952. This earthquake had an estimated magnitude of 7.3, making it one of the most powerful earthquakes in California’s history. The epicenter was near the White Wolf Fault in the southern Sierra Nevada mountain range.

1872 Owens Valley Earthquake

The 1872 Owens Valley earthquake was a significant seismic event on March 26, 1872, in Owens Valley, California, USA. The earthquake is estimated to have had a magnitude of 7.4 to 7.9, making it one of the largest historical earthquakes in California.

Cajon Pass

July 22, 1899 | M5.7

On July 22, 1899, a magnitude 5.7 (ML) earthquake occurred about 15 miles northwest of San Bernardino. People reported feeling this quake in much of Southern California. No deaths were reported, but the number of injuries is uncertain.

The earthquake caused landslides that blocked the Lytle Creek Canyon road and the road through Cajon Pass. It also caused some damage to buildings in San Bernardino, Highland and Patton. Minor damage was also reported in Redlands, Pomona, Riverside, Pasadena and Los Angeles.

Manix

April 10, 1947 | M6.5

On April 10, 1947, a magnitude 6.5 (Mw) earthquake occurred about 25 miles east of Barstow. Because of its remote location, it didn’t cause a lot of damage. However, there were reports of cracked floors and walls, a few collapsed structures, and heavy objects being moved.

This quake was notable because it was the largest earthquake at that time—and the first to cause surface rupture (about three miles of rupture)—in the Mojave Block tectonic region.

Big Bear Earthquake

TYPE OF FAULTING: left-lateral strike-slip
TIME: June 28, 1992 / 8:05:30 am PDT
LOCATION: 34° 12′ N, 116° 49.6′ W 8 km (5 miles) SE of Big Bear Lake 40 km (25 miles) east of San Bernardino
MAGNITUDE: M_SS.4

DEPTH: 5 km

While technically an “aftershock” of the Landers earthquake (indeed, the largest aftershock), the Big Bear earthquake occurred over 40 km west of the Landers rupture, on a fault with a different orientation and sense of slip than those involved in the main shock — an orientation and slip which could be considered “conjugate” to the faults which slipped in the Landers rupture.

The Big Bear earthquake rupture did not break the surface; in fact, no surface trace of a fault with the proper orientation has been found in the area. However, the earthquake produced its own set of aftershocks, and from these, we know the fault geometry — left-lateral slip on a northeast-trending fault.

Following the Landers mainshock by three hours (it occurred while TV news coverage of the Landers earthquake was being broadcast live from Caltech), the Big Bear earthquake caused a substantial amount of damage in the Big Bear area, but fortunately claimed no lives. Landslides triggered by the jolt blocked roads in the San Bernardino Mountains, however, aggravating the clean-up and rebuilding process.

1952 Kern County Earthquake

The 1952 Kern County earthquake occurred on July 21, 1952, in southern California. This earthquake had an estimated magnitude of 7.3, making it one of the most powerful earthquakes in California’s history. The epicenter was near the White Wolf Fault in the southern Sierra Nevada mountain range.

Key points about the 1952 Kern County earthquake:

Magnitude and Intensity: The earthquake was 7.3 and is considered a major event. It caused strong shaking in the affected areas.
Location: The epicenter was near Arvin in Kern County, California.
Damage: The earthquake caused significant damage in several communities, including Bakersfield, Tehachapi, and Arvin. Many buildings were damaged, and some were destroyed. Infrastructure, such as roads and bridges, also suffered.
Casualties: The earthquake resulted in 12 fatalities and numerous injuries. The loss of life and property damage were considerable.
Aftershocks: Like many major earthquakes, the 1952 Kern County earthquake was followed by a series of aftershocks, some of which were strong enough to cause additional damage.
Effects on Oil Fields: The earthquake had notable effects on oil fields in the region. The shaking caused ground rupture and surface faulting, impacting oil extraction operations.
Response and Study: The earthquake prompted increased interest and research in engineering and seismology. Lessons learned from the event contributed to advancements in earthquake-resistant building design and seismic hazard assessment.

The 1952 Kern County earthquake was a significant event in the history of seismic activity in California, and it played a role in shaping earthquake preparedness and research efforts in the region.

History of Shoshone, California

Shoshone is a small unincorporated community located in the southeastern part of Inyo County, California, USA. The history of Shoshone is closely tied to the development of the surrounding region, characterized by its desert landscape and proximity to Death Valley.

Native American Presence: Before European settlers arrived, the area around Shoshone was inhabited by various Native American groups, including the Shoshone people, from whom the town takes its name. The Shoshone were a group of indigenous people who traditionally lived in the Great Basin and surrounding areas.
Exploration and Settlement: In the late 19th century, the California desert attracted prospectors and settlers seeking opportunities. In 1880, George Lane discovered a spring in the area, which led to the establishment of Shoshone as a water stop for the Tonopah and Tidewater Railroad in the early 1900s. This made Shoshone an essential point for transportation and commerce.
Mining and Agriculture: The nearby Dublin Gulch and Funeral Mountains attracted miners seeking gold and other minerals. Mining activities contributed to the growth of Shoshone. Additionally, agriculture, particularly the farming of date palms, became important in the region due to the presence of water from natural springs.
Amargosa Opera House: Marta Becket, a dancer and artist, arrived in Shoshone in the 1960s. She renovated and reopened the Amargosa Opera House in nearby Death Valley Junction, which became a cultural hub for the area. The opera house is known for its unique murals and performances.
Tourism and Recreation: Over the years, Shoshone has become a gateway for tourists exploring Death Valley National Park and the surrounding desert landscapes. The town offers services and amenities for visitors, including accommodations, restaurants, and the Shoshone Museum, which showcases the area’s history.
Environmental and Conservation Issues: The region faces water scarcity and environmental conservation challenges. The delicate desert ecosystem requires careful management, and organizations work to balance development with the preservation of natural resources.

Today, Shoshone remains a small community focusing on tourism and outdoor recreation. Its history reflects the broader patterns of development and economic activities that have shaped the desert regions of California. Visitors to Shoshone can explore its historical sites, enjoy the unique desert landscape, and learn about the area’s rich cultural and natural heritage.

Charles Brown at Greenwater

From “Loafing Along Death Valley Trails” by William Caruthers

Charles Brown General Store - Shoshone, Ca. — Charles Brown General Store – Shoshone, Ca.

The story of Charles Brown and the Shoshone store begins in Greenwater. In the transient hordes of people that poured into that town, there was one who had not come for quick, easy money. On his own, since he was 11 when he had gone to work in a Georgia mine, he only wanted a job. And he got it. In the excited, loose-talking mob, he was conspicuous because he was silent, calm, and unhurried.

There were no law enforcement officers in Greenwater. The jail was 150 miles away. Every day was a field day for the toughs in the town. Better citizens decided to do something about it. They petitioned George Naylor, Inyo County Sheriff at Independence, to appoint or send a deputy to keep some semblance of order.

Naylor sent over a badge and a note that said, “Pin it on some husky youngster, who is unmarried and unafraid, and tell him to shoot first.”

The Citizens’ Committee met. ” I know a fellow who answers that description,” one of them said. ” Steady sort. Built like a panther. Comes from Georgia. Kind slow motion in till he is ready to spring. Name is Brown.”

The badge was pinned on Charles Brown.

Greenwater was a port of call for Death Valley Slim, a character of the Western deserts, who normally was a happy-go-lucky likable fellow. Periodically Slim would fill himself with desert “likker”, his belt with six guns and terrorized the town.

Shortly after Brown assumed the duties of his office, Slim sent word to the deputy that he was on his way to that place for a little frolic. ” Tell him, ” he coached

Shortly after Brown assumed the duties of his office, Slim sent word to the deputy that he was on his way to that place for a little frolic. ” Tell him, ” he coached the messenger, “Sheriffs rile me and he better take a vacation.”

After notifying the merchants and residents, who promptly barricaded themselves indoors, the officer found shelter for himself in Beatty, Nevada.

So Slim only saw empty streets and barge shutters upon arrival. Since there was nothing to shoot at, he headed through Dead Mead Canyon for Greenwater. their he found the main street crowded to his liking and the saloons jammed. He made for the nearest, ordered a drink and, whipping out his gun, began to pop the bottles on the shelves. At first blast, patrons made a break for the exits. At the second, the doors and windows were smashed and when Slim holstered his gun, the place was a wreck.

Messengers were sent for Brown, who was at his cabin a mile away. Brown’s stuck a pistol in his pocket and went down. He found Slim in Waddell’s saloon, the town’s smartest. their Slim had refused to let the patrons leave with the bartenders cowed, the patrons cornered, Slim was amusing himself by shooting alternately at chandeliers, the feet of customers, and the plump breasts of the nude lady featured in the painting behind the bar. following Brown at a safe distance, was half of the population, keyed for the massacre.

Brown walked in and said “Hello Slim”. ” Fellows tell me you are hogging all the fun. Better let me have that gun, hadn’t you?” “Like hell,” Slim sneered, ” I’ll let you have it right through the guts.”

As he raised his gun for the kill, the panther sprung and the battle was on. they fought one over the bar room – standing up, laying down, rolling over – first one, then the other on top. Tables toppled, chairs crashed. For half an hour they battled savagely, finally rolling against the bar – both mauled and bloody. There, with his strong vice-like legs wrapped around Slim’s and in arm of steel gripping net and shoulder, Brown slipped irons over the bad man’s wrist. ” Get up,” Brown ordered as he stood aside, breathing hard.

Greenwater, Ca. ghost town site, Death Valley National Park

Slim rose, leaned against the bar. There was fight still in him and seeing a bottle in front of him, he had seized it with manacled hands, started to lift it.

” Slim,” Brown said calmly , ” if you lift that bottle, you’ll never lift another.”

The bad boy instinctively knew the look that foretells death and Slim’s fingers fell from the bottle.

Greenwater had no jail. Brown took him to his own cabin. Leaving the manacles on the prisoner, he took off his shoes and locked him in a closet. no man, drunk or sober, he reflected, would tackle barefoot the gravel street littered with thousands of broken liquor bottles. He went to bed.

He left a bloodstained trail, but at 2 AM he found Slim in a blacksmith shop, having the handcuffs removed. Brown retrieved his shoes and on the return trip, Slim went barefoot. After hog tying the prisoner, Brown chained him to the bed and went to sleep.

Thereafter, the bad boys scratched Greenwater off their calling list.

Slim attained fame with Pancho Villa down in Mexico, became a good citizen and later went east.

A History of American Indians in California:1880-1904

In the 1880s, there was increased public awareness of the problems California Indians were confronting. While the problems were rarely analyzed, many people helped to improve the quality of life for Indians. There was an effort to improve the education of Indians through schools, and to provide them with land to better their economic conditions so that Indians could become full citizens of the United States of America.

In the early 1880s, Helen Hunt Jackson wrote A Century of Dishonor and sent a copy of her book to each United States congressman. She was then appointed to a commission to examine the condition of Indians in Southern California. Her visits resulted in The Report on the Condition and Needs of the Mission Indians of California, by special agents Helen Jackson and Abbot Kinney. The report summarized the problems and concerns of Southern California Indians; many of the conditions outlined in the report, however, were applicable to all California Indians. The report noted that Indians had been continually displaced from their land. She also noted that while many Indians had taken “immoral” paths, others had chosen the responsibilities of herding animals and raising crops. In her report, she also noted that the United States government had done little to right the wrongs of the past. While Jackson did not solve all the problems of Southern California Indians, her work did bring their concerns to the attention of the American public and Congress.

One recurring concern was the lack of education and training necessary for survival in American society. The government, as well as Jackson, saw education as a way of assimilating Indians into the mainstream of United States society. Reports from the Secretary of the Interior and the Bureau of Indian Affairs at that time expressed the goals of the government in relation to the educational process. In 1908, one report stated, “the rooms held three or four each and it was arranged that no two tribes were placed in the same room. This not only helped in the acquirement of English, but broke up tribal and race clannishness, a most important victory in getting Indians toward real citizens.” (Spicer, 1969:235) An earlier report stated, “I can see no reason why a strong government like ours should not govern and control them [Indians] and compel each one to settle down and stay in one place, his own homestead, wear the white man’s clothing, labor for his own support, and send his children to school.” (Spicer, 1969:236) Other people had even stronger ideas. For instance, George Ellis, in his book, The Red Man and the White Man in North America, wrote, “The Indian must be made to feel he is in the grasp of a superior.” (Ellis 1882:572) In opposition to this view, the Indian Rights Association was formed in 1882. This Indian advocate group would play a powerful role in formulating Indian policy in upcoming years.

While the approaches differed, all agreed that education was necessary. “In California, three types of educational programs were established for native peoples. The first was the Federal Government reservation day school. The second type was the boarding school, fashioned after Carlisle. And finally, the nearby public school that allowed Indians to attend began a slow, though steady, increase in popularity among policy makers.” (Heizer, 1978:115) While the public schools seemed the best alternative, most Indians did not have the right to attend these schools until the 1920s.

In 1881, an elementary school system for Indians was established in California. However, the Indians soon recognized that the schools were a threat to their culture, as well as to the tribe as a political unit. “As a result, considerable resistance to the schools developed. Native peoples destroyed the day school at Potrero in 1888, and burned the school at Tule River in 1890. At Pachanga, a Luiseno named Venturo Molido, burned the school and assassinated the school teacher in 1895.” (Heizer, 1978:115) Much of the destruction and violence could have been avoided if the school system and the government had recognized the great importance the Indians placed on being able to maintain their cultural beliefs. In 1891, school attendance was made mandatory. But while attendance was mandatory, there were still Indian children who did not attend.

In 1901, the first Indian hospital in California was established at Sherman Institute in Riverside. Sherman later became a boarding school for Indian children. While hospitals and other facilities improved conditions for California Indians, most Indians were still without homes.

During this period, another major focus was on the acquisition of land for Indians. Probably the most interesting example of the way land was acquired is evidenced by the Yokayo Pomo in 1881: “After collecting nearly $1,000 from their people, the head man selected a 120-acre site near the Russian River and made the down payment. The Yokayo groups prospered; they paid the entire balance owed on their land, and even saved enough to purchase farm machinery shortly thereafter.” (Heizer, 1978:118)

A major tool the government used in trying to assimilate Indians during this time was the General Allotment Act of 1887, also known as the Dawes Act, which appeared to be generally advantageous to Indians. However, the major intent of the act was to break down the role of tribal government. The act itself provided that each Indian living on a reservation would receive a 160-acre allotment of land per family unit, and each single man would receive 80 acres if the reservation had enough land. If there was not enough land, other provisions were made. Indians not residing on a reservation would be entitled to settle on any surveyed or unsurveyed government lands not appropriated. The lands allotted would be held in trust for 25 years by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. If all other provisions of the act were met, that is, if the Indians made use of the lands for agriculture and became self-sufficient, then the land would become the property of the individual. “Native people understood full well the implications of allotment and offered considerable resistance. Nevertheless, the Bureau of Indian Affairs began ordering allotments of various sizes at Rincon, Morongo, and Pala Reservations in 1893. . . . The next year, allotments were begun at Round Valley Reservation. By the turn of the century, 1,614 individual allotments were made among eight reservations in the state.” (Heizer, 1978:117)

Long before the passage of the Dawes Act, people recognized that problems would occur from its implementation. In 1881, Senator Henry Moore Teller of Colorado spoke in opposition to an earlier form of the Allotment Act. Senator Teller concluded, “If I stand alone in the Senate, I want to put upon the record my prophecy in this matter, that when 30 or 40 years shall have passed and these Indians shall have parted with their title, they will curse the hand that was raised professedly in their defense to secure this kind of legislation, and if the people who are clamoring for it understood Indian character and Indian laws, and Indian morals, and Indian religion, they would not be here clamoring for this at all.” (Spicer, 1969:234) The senator would soon be proven correct.

Other Indians, such as the Cupenos from Warner Springs, chose to fight for their lands in the courts. With the assistance of the Indian Rights Association, they began a suit to stop their eviction from their home at the Warner Ranch. In 1888, they won a favorable decision which temporarily stopped their eviction. However, the case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court, and in 1903, the Cupenos were evicted from their home.

Still, other Indians chose to purchase land that was once theirs and reside on it. However, not every transaction was fair. In 1904, the San Francisco Chronicle reported that Indians who bought land from Whites were being dispossessed by the heirs of the granters, who gave no valid titles. “The Northern California Indian Association reported that about 10,000 Indians lived on land to which whites hold title. They were subject to eviction ‘at any time.’ The Indians are recognized for what they are not, usually competent to compete with white men in economic struggle. . . . Congress should buy lands for Indians in locations where they now are and allot them small farms in severalty. . . . It is also asked that their status as to citizenship be satisfactorily established. This petition is now before congress. It should be granted for justice and honesty. . . .” (San Francisco Chronicle, 1904).

The struggle for homes would continue.

https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/5views/5views1d.htm

Malki Museum

A History of American Indians in California:HISTORIC SITES

Malki Museum
Riverside County

The Malki Museum is located on the Morongo Indian Reservation on Fields Road near the town of Banning, California. It is constructed of adobe bricks, and is approximately 30′ x 50′ x 12′ in size. Display cases house cultural objects made by Indians from the surrounding area, while the museum grounds include several brush arbors and a botanical garden. Both the museum and its grounds are well attended.

The Malki Museum was constructed in 1965 by the Cahuilla Indians and serves to preserve and enhance Cahuilla Indian lifeways. Its cultural exhibits relate the story of the Cahuillas from the pre-contact period to the present. Malki was also the first home for a publishing company, the Ballena Press, which has expanded its services to include ethnographic and ethnohistoric information and analysis of southwestern tribes.

The Malki Museum was the first Indian controlled and operated museum in California. As such, it is an important example to other Indian groups who are interested in preserving their material culture through a museum. Although the idea of an Indian Museum operated by Indian people seems like an obvious and natural development, it should be remembered that it takes dedicated people to actually accomplish such a task. Malki is a living example of an Indian people’s ability to adapt to the fast-changing circumstances that surround their cultural heritage. It will serve future generations by providing them with a glimpse into the rich and beautiful history of the Cahuilla people.

https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/5views/5views1h46.htm

Tejon Indian Reservation

A History of American Indians in California: HISTORIC SITES

Tejon Indian Reservation
Kern County

In the early 1800s, Indians in the interior of California began to feel the effects of trappers and explorers. By mid-century, coastal Indians who moved inland following the breakup of the missions also suffered under the influx of miners and settlers. When the federal government sent Indian agents to write treaties with California Indians, Agent George W. Barbour negotiated the treaties with both interior and coastal Indians in the southern San Joaquin Valley. In return for the promise of goods, annuities, and land, the Indians vacated much of their home land.

In February of 1852, President Millard Fillmore submitted 18 California Indian treaties to the United States Congress for ratification, but the California delegation objected, complaining that the treaties provided too much good land for the Indians. Congress failed to ratify the treaties but did make some provisions for California Indians.

Edward F. Beale was appointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs for California in April 1852. Upon arrival in September, Beale toured the state to determine the status of California Indians. He reported in February 1853 that “our laws and policy with respect to Indians have been neglected or violated. . . . [The Indians] are driven from their homes and deprived of their hunting-grounds and fishing-waters at the discretion of the whites. . . .” Beale requested $500,000 for military reservations where both soldiers and Indians would reside.

Beale hired H. B. Edwards to start farming operations at Tejon and the San Joaquin River. On March 2, 1853, Congress appropriated $250,000 for five reservations, not to exceed 25,000 acres each, to be located on public lands, with good land, wood, and water. In September, Beale expanded the Tejon Farm into the first California reservation.

To gain support for his efforts, Beale named the reservation after Senator William Sebastian, Chairman of the Indian Affairs Committee. The Sebastian Indian Reservation, more commonly known as Tejon Indian Reservation, was located in the southern end of the San Joaquin Valley, “between Tejon Vaquero Headquarters and Canada de las Uvas. . . .” (Latta, 1977:736)

Tejon was located on a Mexican land grant rather than on public land, but Beale argued that no public lands were available and that the unoccupied grant could be purchased if necessary. Beale’s primary reason for choosing Tejon was the presence of mission-trained Indians with agricultural skills, more likely to succeed on a reservation.

Despite substantial opposition, Beale continued to gather Indians and move them to Tejon. In early 1854, he reported 2,500 Indians at Tejon and 2,650 acres under cultivation. Beale’s arguments for a reservation of 75,000 acres failed, and in July 1854, he was replaced by Thomas J. Henley.

When Henley took charge, he noted only 800 Indians, with fewer than 350 present at one time, and only 1,500 acres under cultivation, indicating that numbers of Indians and amount of acreage under cultivation had been inflated. Most of the crops failed that year because of drought. Henley started the Tule River Farm to supplement the reservation’s food, but the Indians still had to gather native foods and the government had to bring in more supplies in order to feed the reservation population. Throughout the reservation’s existence, drought, insects, and crop disease undermined the attempts at farming.

In November of 1856, the reservation was reduced to 25,000 acres. That year, 700 Indians were reported residing on the reservation and 700 acres were under cultivation. By 1859, Henley had been replaced.

In addition to crop failure, the reservation faced loss of the land when the land grant claim was upheld in court. Settlers also encroached on the unsurveyed and unfenced land, allowing cattle and sheep to eat reservation crops. During the 1863 drought year, all the crops were lost except for 30 tons of hay.

Meanwhile, former agent Edward F. Beale had purchased five contiguous ranchos in the Tejon area, including the reservation land, and was raising 100,000 sheep. In 1863, he offered to lease 12,000 acres to the government for a dollar an acre, but withdrew the offer when he found that the government planned to move Owens River Indians there. He noted that he had made the offer only because Indians already on the reservation were his friends.

Jose Pacheco, a Tejon leader, wrote to General Wright on April 16, 1864, “I should not have troubled you with this letter, Dear General, did I not think the agents here had wronged us. You and our great father at Washington do not know how bad we fare, or you would give us food or let us go back to our lands where we can get plenty of fish and game. I do not think we get the provisions intended for us by our Great Father; the agents keep it from us, and sell it to make themselves rich, while we and our children are very poor and hungry and naked.” (Sacramento Union, April 28, 1964)

The reservation was ordered closed in June 1864, and on July 11, Austin Wiley wrote, “I have the honor to inform you that all the Indians on the Tejon Farm and in the vicinity of Fort Tejon, some two hundred in number, have been removed from there to the Tule River farm.” Wiley noted that there was no food for the Indians at Tejon.

Shortly thereafter, D. N. Cooley, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, summarized the reasons for the reservation’s failure: “The lack of legal title to the land severely restrained investment in construction and development, leaving the reserve and the Indians on it in a state of constant uncertainty. The ideal of converting Indians from food gathering to settled agriculture was never realized.”

(Note: Unless otherwise specified, all above quotes are from government reports as cited in California Department of Parks and Recreation reference document No. 169, “Tejon Indian Reservation.”)

https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/5views/5views1h92.htm

Fort Tejon Road

Fort Tejon Road refers to a historic route in California that leads to Fort Tejon State Historic Park. Fort Tejon was established in 1854 and served as a military outpost during the turbulent times of the 19th century, addressing issues related to the Gold Rush and conflicts with Native American tribes.

The fort is located in the Grapevine Canyon, part of the Tehachapi Mountains in Kern County. The Fort Tejon Road provides access to the park and passes through scenic landscapes. The area is known for its historical significance and is a popular destination for those interested in California’s history.

Visitors to Fort Tejon State Historic Park can explore the well-preserved buildings, learn about the fort’s history through exhibits, and participate in various events and demonstrations. The park is managed by the California Department of Parks and Recreation and serves as a reminder of the state’s military and cultural history during the mid-19th century.

Desert Studies Center – Zzyzx

/zzyzx/

Zzyzx, pronounced “zy-zicks,” is a unique and intriguing place in the Mojave Desert of Southern California, USA. Specifically, it is home to the Desert Studies Center, operated by the California State University (CSU) system. The center serves as a field station for research and education focused on the desert ecosystem.

Here are some key points about Zzyzx and the Desert Studies Center:

Location: Zzyzx is approximately 100 miles northeast of Los Angeles, near Baker, California. The Desert Studies Center is part of the larger California State University system and is used for academic and research purposes.
History: The name “Zzyzx” was given to the area by Curtis Howe Springer, a self-proclaimed medical doctor and radio evangelist who established the Zzyzx Mineral Springs and Health Spa in the 1940s. The name was created to be the last word in English, and Springer intended to use it for marketing purposes. However, in 1974, the Bureau of Land Management (BLM) reclaimed the land, and it became the site for the Desert Studies Center.
Desert Studies Center: The Desert Studies Center is a research and educational facility jointly operated by the California State University system. It provides a base for researchers, students, and educators interested in studying the unique ecology and geology of the Mojave Desert. The center offers facilities for field courses, workshops, and research projects related to desert studies.
Facilities: The Desert Studies Center has dormitories, classrooms, laboratories, and other amenities to support researchers and students. It serves as a hub for scientific exploration and learning about the challenges and adaptations of life in desert environments.
Research: Researchers at the Desert Studies Center focus on various topics, including desert ecology, geology, climate, and biodiversity. The unique characteristics of the Mojave Desert make it an ideal location for studying desert ecosystems and understanding how plants, animals, and microorganisms have adapted to this arid environment.

Visitors to the Desert Studies Center can explore the surrounding Mojave Desert, learn about its flora and fauna, and gain insights into the challenges and opportunities presented by desert ecosystems. It’s a valuable resource for those interested in environmental science, ecology, and desert studies.