Indigenous People – Page 2

Cocopah Indians

The Cocopah, or Cocopah Tribe, are a Native American people who traditionally lived along the lower Colorado River in the southwestern United States and northern Mexico. Their homeland includes areas in Arizona and California, as well as the Baja California region of Mexico. The Cocopah are part of the larger Yuman language family.

Historically, the key aspects of Cocopah culture included fishing, hunting, and gathering in the desert and riverine environments. They were skilled in constructing traditional houses called “káak” or “mat káak” made from arrowweed and brush. The Cocopah people have a rich cultural heritage, including traditional songs, dances, and ceremonies.

With the arrival of European settlers, the Cocopah, like many other Native American groups, faced challenges such as changes in their way of life, conflicts, and the loss of traditional lands. The Cocopah Reservation, established in the United States, is located near Somerton in southwestern Arizona.

Today, the Cocopah Tribe is engaged in cultural preservation efforts, including revitalizing the Cocopah language, traditional arts, and ceremonies. The tribe is also involved in economic development initiatives, education, and healthcare programs to benefit its community members.

The Cocopah people maintain a connection to their ancestral lands and the Colorado River, an important aspect of their cultural identity. Issues related to tribal sovereignty, water rights, and the broader recognition of indigenous rights are significant considerations for the Cocopah Tribe.

Quechan Indians

The Quechan also spelled Kwtsaan or Kwtsan, are a Native American people who traditionally inhabited the lower Colorado River Valley, including parts of present-day Arizona and California. The Quechan are part of the larger Yuman language family.

The Quechan people have a rich cultural heritage, including traditional ceremonies, dances, and crafts. They historically relied on the resources of the region, such as fish from the Colorado River, wild plants, and small game.

One of the well-known groups within the Quechan people is the Fort Yuma Quechan Tribe, which is based on the Fort Yuma Indian Reservation. The Fort Yuma Indian Reservation is near the present-day city of Yuma, Arizona, along the Colorado River. The Quechan people have a long history in the region, and their reservation is an important center for preserving and promoting their cultural traditions.

With the arrival of European settlers and the establishment of the United States, the Quechan, like many Native American groups, faced challenges such as the loss of traditional lands, conflicts, and changes in their way of life. However, they have persisted in maintaining their cultural identity and practices.

Today, the Quechan Tribe is actively involved in issues related to tribal sovereignty, land rights, and the broader recognition of indigenous rights. The Fort Yuma Quechan Tribe engages in various cultural and educational initiatives to preserve and revitalize their language, arts, and traditions, ensuring their heritage is passed on to future generations.

Yavapai Indians

The Yavapai are a Native American people who traditionally inhabited Arizona’s central and western regions in the southwestern United States. Their name is derived from the Yavapai word “Enyaeva,” meaning “people of the sun.” The Yavapai are closely related to the Havasupai, Hualapai, and Apache peoples and share linguistic and cultural ties.

Historically, the Yavapai were semi-nomadic, engaging in hunting, gathering, and some agriculture. They hunted game, gathered plants and seeds, and cultivated crops in the riparian areas along rivers.

With European settlers’ arrival and the United States’ westward expansion, the Yavapai, like many other Native American groups, faced significant challenges. They experienced conflicts with European settlers and the loss of their traditional lands.

The Yavapai people were forcibly removed from their ancestral lands and faced forced marches and resettlements in the late 19th century. This period was marked by hardship and suffering, and many Yavapai people were relocated to the San Carlos Apache Reservation.

Today, the Yavapai-Apache Nation is a federally recognized tribe that represents the descendants of the Yavapai and Apache people. The Yavapai-Apache Nation has reservations near Camp Verde and Clarkdale in Arizona. The tribe is actively involved in cultural preservation, education, and economic development initiatives to ensure the continuation of their heritage.

Efforts are made to revitalize the Yavapai language, traditional arts, and cultural practices. Like many Native American groups, the Yavapai-Apache Nation engages in discussions related to tribal sovereignty, land rights, and the broader recognition of indigenous rights.

A History of American Indians in California:1880-1904

In the 1880s, there was increased public awareness of the problems California Indians were confronting. While the problems were rarely analyzed, many people helped to improve the quality of life for Indians. There was an effort to improve the education of Indians through schools, and to provide them with land to better their economic conditions so that Indians could become full citizens of the United States of America.

In the early 1880s, Helen Hunt Jackson wrote A Century of Dishonor and sent a copy of her book to each United States congressman. She was then appointed to a commission to examine the condition of Indians in Southern California. Her visits resulted in The Report on the Condition and Needs of the Mission Indians of California, by special agents Helen Jackson and Abbot Kinney. The report summarized the problems and concerns of Southern California Indians; many of the conditions outlined in the report, however, were applicable to all California Indians. The report noted that Indians had been continually displaced from their land. She also noted that while many Indians had taken “immoral” paths, others had chosen the responsibilities of herding animals and raising crops. In her report, she also noted that the United States government had done little to right the wrongs of the past. While Jackson did not solve all the problems of Southern California Indians, her work did bring their concerns to the attention of the American public and Congress.

One recurring concern was the lack of education and training necessary for survival in American society. The government, as well as Jackson, saw education as a way of assimilating Indians into the mainstream of United States society. Reports from the Secretary of the Interior and the Bureau of Indian Affairs at that time expressed the goals of the government in relation to the educational process. In 1908, one report stated, “the rooms held three or four each and it was arranged that no two tribes were placed in the same room. This not only helped in the acquirement of English, but broke up tribal and race clannishness, a most important victory in getting Indians toward real citizens.” (Spicer, 1969:235) An earlier report stated, “I can see no reason why a strong government like ours should not govern and control them [Indians] and compel each one to settle down and stay in one place, his own homestead, wear the white man’s clothing, labor for his own support, and send his children to school.” (Spicer, 1969:236) Other people had even stronger ideas. For instance, George Ellis, in his book, The Red Man and the White Man in North America, wrote, “The Indian must be made to feel he is in the grasp of a superior.” (Ellis 1882:572) In opposition to this view, the Indian Rights Association was formed in 1882. This Indian advocate group would play a powerful role in formulating Indian policy in upcoming years.

While the approaches differed, all agreed that education was necessary. “In California, three types of educational programs were established for native peoples. The first was the Federal Government reservation day school. The second type was the boarding school, fashioned after Carlisle. And finally, the nearby public school that allowed Indians to attend began a slow, though steady, increase in popularity among policy makers.” (Heizer, 1978:115) While the public schools seemed the best alternative, most Indians did not have the right to attend these schools until the 1920s.

In 1881, an elementary school system for Indians was established in California. However, the Indians soon recognized that the schools were a threat to their culture, as well as to the tribe as a political unit. “As a result, considerable resistance to the schools developed. Native peoples destroyed the day school at Potrero in 1888, and burned the school at Tule River in 1890. At Pachanga, a Luiseno named Venturo Molido, burned the school and assassinated the school teacher in 1895.” (Heizer, 1978:115) Much of the destruction and violence could have been avoided if the school system and the government had recognized the great importance the Indians placed on being able to maintain their cultural beliefs. In 1891, school attendance was made mandatory. But while attendance was mandatory, there were still Indian children who did not attend.

In 1901, the first Indian hospital in California was established at Sherman Institute in Riverside. Sherman later became a boarding school for Indian children. While hospitals and other facilities improved conditions for California Indians, most Indians were still without homes.

During this period, another major focus was on the acquisition of land for Indians. Probably the most interesting example of the way land was acquired is evidenced by the Yokayo Pomo in 1881: “After collecting nearly $1,000 from their people, the head man selected a 120-acre site near the Russian River and made the down payment. The Yokayo groups prospered; they paid the entire balance owed on their land, and even saved enough to purchase farm machinery shortly thereafter.” (Heizer, 1978:118)

A major tool the government used in trying to assimilate Indians during this time was the General Allotment Act of 1887, also known as the Dawes Act, which appeared to be generally advantageous to Indians. However, the major intent of the act was to break down the role of tribal government. The act itself provided that each Indian living on a reservation would receive a 160-acre allotment of land per family unit, and each single man would receive 80 acres if the reservation had enough land. If there was not enough land, other provisions were made. Indians not residing on a reservation would be entitled to settle on any surveyed or unsurveyed government lands not appropriated. The lands allotted would be held in trust for 25 years by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. If all other provisions of the act were met, that is, if the Indians made use of the lands for agriculture and became self-sufficient, then the land would become the property of the individual. “Native people understood full well the implications of allotment and offered considerable resistance. Nevertheless, the Bureau of Indian Affairs began ordering allotments of various sizes at Rincon, Morongo, and Pala Reservations in 1893. . . . The next year, allotments were begun at Round Valley Reservation. By the turn of the century, 1,614 individual allotments were made among eight reservations in the state.” (Heizer, 1978:117)

Long before the passage of the Dawes Act, people recognized that problems would occur from its implementation. In 1881, Senator Henry Moore Teller of Colorado spoke in opposition to an earlier form of the Allotment Act. Senator Teller concluded, “If I stand alone in the Senate, I want to put upon the record my prophecy in this matter, that when 30 or 40 years shall have passed and these Indians shall have parted with their title, they will curse the hand that was raised professedly in their defense to secure this kind of legislation, and if the people who are clamoring for it understood Indian character and Indian laws, and Indian morals, and Indian religion, they would not be here clamoring for this at all.” (Spicer, 1969:234) The senator would soon be proven correct.

Other Indians, such as the Cupenos from Warner Springs, chose to fight for their lands in the courts. With the assistance of the Indian Rights Association, they began a suit to stop their eviction from their home at the Warner Ranch. In 1888, they won a favorable decision which temporarily stopped their eviction. However, the case was appealed to the United States Supreme Court, and in 1903, the Cupenos were evicted from their home.

Still, other Indians chose to purchase land that was once theirs and reside on it. However, not every transaction was fair. In 1904, the San Francisco Chronicle reported that Indians who bought land from Whites were being dispossessed by the heirs of the granters, who gave no valid titles. “The Northern California Indian Association reported that about 10,000 Indians lived on land to which whites hold title. They were subject to eviction ‘at any time.’ The Indians are recognized for what they are not, usually competent to compete with white men in economic struggle. . . . Congress should buy lands for Indians in locations where they now are and allot them small farms in severalty. . . . It is also asked that their status as to citizenship be satisfactorily established. This petition is now before congress. It should be granted for justice and honesty. . . .” (San Francisco Chronicle, 1904).

The struggle for homes would continue.

https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/5views/5views1d.htm

Malki Museum

A History of American Indians in California:HISTORIC SITES

Malki Museum
Riverside County

The Malki Museum is located on the Morongo Indian Reservation on Fields Road near the town of Banning, California. It is constructed of adobe bricks, and is approximately 30′ x 50′ x 12′ in size. Display cases house cultural objects made by Indians from the surrounding area, while the museum grounds include several brush arbors and a botanical garden. Both the museum and its grounds are well attended.

The Malki Museum was constructed in 1965 by the Cahuilla Indians and serves to preserve and enhance Cahuilla Indian lifeways. Its cultural exhibits relate the story of the Cahuillas from the pre-contact period to the present. Malki was also the first home for a publishing company, the Ballena Press, which has expanded its services to include ethnographic and ethnohistoric information and analysis of southwestern tribes.

The Malki Museum was the first Indian controlled and operated museum in California. As such, it is an important example to other Indian groups who are interested in preserving their material culture through a museum. Although the idea of an Indian Museum operated by Indian people seems like an obvious and natural development, it should be remembered that it takes dedicated people to actually accomplish such a task. Malki is a living example of an Indian people’s ability to adapt to the fast-changing circumstances that surround their cultural heritage. It will serve future generations by providing them with a glimpse into the rich and beautiful history of the Cahuilla people.

https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/5views/5views1h46.htm

Tejon Indian Reservation

A History of American Indians in California: HISTORIC SITES

Tejon Indian Reservation
Kern County

In the early 1800s, Indians in the interior of California began to feel the effects of trappers and explorers. By mid-century, coastal Indians who moved inland following the breakup of the missions also suffered under the influx of miners and settlers. When the federal government sent Indian agents to write treaties with California Indians, Agent George W. Barbour negotiated the treaties with both interior and coastal Indians in the southern San Joaquin Valley. In return for the promise of goods, annuities, and land, the Indians vacated much of their home land.

In February of 1852, President Millard Fillmore submitted 18 California Indian treaties to the United States Congress for ratification, but the California delegation objected, complaining that the treaties provided too much good land for the Indians. Congress failed to ratify the treaties but did make some provisions for California Indians.

Edward F. Beale was appointed Superintendent of Indian Affairs for California in April 1852. Upon arrival in September, Beale toured the state to determine the status of California Indians. He reported in February 1853 that “our laws and policy with respect to Indians have been neglected or violated. . . . [The Indians] are driven from their homes and deprived of their hunting-grounds and fishing-waters at the discretion of the whites. . . .” Beale requested $500,000 for military reservations where both soldiers and Indians would reside.

Beale hired H. B. Edwards to start farming operations at Tejon and the San Joaquin River. On March 2, 1853, Congress appropriated $250,000 for five reservations, not to exceed 25,000 acres each, to be located on public lands, with good land, wood, and water. In September, Beale expanded the Tejon Farm into the first California reservation.

To gain support for his efforts, Beale named the reservation after Senator William Sebastian, Chairman of the Indian Affairs Committee. The Sebastian Indian Reservation, more commonly known as Tejon Indian Reservation, was located in the southern end of the San Joaquin Valley, “between Tejon Vaquero Headquarters and Canada de las Uvas. . . .” (Latta, 1977:736)

Tejon was located on a Mexican land grant rather than on public land, but Beale argued that no public lands were available and that the unoccupied grant could be purchased if necessary. Beale’s primary reason for choosing Tejon was the presence of mission-trained Indians with agricultural skills, more likely to succeed on a reservation.

Despite substantial opposition, Beale continued to gather Indians and move them to Tejon. In early 1854, he reported 2,500 Indians at Tejon and 2,650 acres under cultivation. Beale’s arguments for a reservation of 75,000 acres failed, and in July 1854, he was replaced by Thomas J. Henley.

When Henley took charge, he noted only 800 Indians, with fewer than 350 present at one time, and only 1,500 acres under cultivation, indicating that numbers of Indians and amount of acreage under cultivation had been inflated. Most of the crops failed that year because of drought. Henley started the Tule River Farm to supplement the reservation’s food, but the Indians still had to gather native foods and the government had to bring in more supplies in order to feed the reservation population. Throughout the reservation’s existence, drought, insects, and crop disease undermined the attempts at farming.

In November of 1856, the reservation was reduced to 25,000 acres. That year, 700 Indians were reported residing on the reservation and 700 acres were under cultivation. By 1859, Henley had been replaced.

In addition to crop failure, the reservation faced loss of the land when the land grant claim was upheld in court. Settlers also encroached on the unsurveyed and unfenced land, allowing cattle and sheep to eat reservation crops. During the 1863 drought year, all the crops were lost except for 30 tons of hay.

Meanwhile, former agent Edward F. Beale had purchased five contiguous ranchos in the Tejon area, including the reservation land, and was raising 100,000 sheep. In 1863, he offered to lease 12,000 acres to the government for a dollar an acre, but withdrew the offer when he found that the government planned to move Owens River Indians there. He noted that he had made the offer only because Indians already on the reservation were his friends.

Jose Pacheco, a Tejon leader, wrote to General Wright on April 16, 1864, “I should not have troubled you with this letter, Dear General, did I not think the agents here had wronged us. You and our great father at Washington do not know how bad we fare, or you would give us food or let us go back to our lands where we can get plenty of fish and game. I do not think we get the provisions intended for us by our Great Father; the agents keep it from us, and sell it to make themselves rich, while we and our children are very poor and hungry and naked.” (Sacramento Union, April 28, 1964)

The reservation was ordered closed in June 1864, and on July 11, Austin Wiley wrote, “I have the honor to inform you that all the Indians on the Tejon Farm and in the vicinity of Fort Tejon, some two hundred in number, have been removed from there to the Tule River farm.” Wiley noted that there was no food for the Indians at Tejon.

Shortly thereafter, D. N. Cooley, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, summarized the reasons for the reservation’s failure: “The lack of legal title to the land severely restrained investment in construction and development, leaving the reserve and the Indians on it in a state of constant uncertainty. The ideal of converting Indians from food gathering to settled agriculture was never realized.”

(Note: Unless otherwise specified, all above quotes are from government reports as cited in California Department of Parks and Recreation reference document No. 169, “Tejon Indian Reservation.”)

https://www.nps.gov/parkhistory/online_books/5views/5views1h92.htm

Petroglyphs, Pictographs, and Geoglyphs in the Mojave Desert

/petroglyphs/

The Mojave Desert, located in the southwestern United States, is rich in cultural and historical significance, with evidence of human habitation dating back thousands of years. Petroglyphs, pictographs, and geoglyphs are among the archaeological features found in the Mojave Desert, offering glimpses into the region’s past.

Here’s a brief overview of each:

Petroglyphs:
- Petroglyphs are rock engravings created by carving or pecking into the surface of a rock.
- They are often found on exposed rock surfaces, such as canyon walls or large boulders.
- Petroglyphs in the Mojave Desert can depict various symbols, animals, human figures, and abstract designs.
- Native American communities made these carvings as a form of communication, storytelling, or spiritual expression.
Pictographs:
- Pictographs are rock art created by applying pigments to the surface of rocks. These pigments are usually composed of natural materials like plant extracts or mineral pigments.
- Pictographs are found on rock shelters, caves, and cliff faces, often in areas with some protection from the elements.
- Like petroglyphs, pictographs in the Mojave Desert can represent various subjects, including humans, animals, and symbolic patterns.
- The pictograph colors can include red, black, white, and yellow, with red being a common choice.
Geoglyphs:
- Geoglyphs are large designs or motifs created on the ground’s surface, often by arranging stones or altering the landscape’s natural features.
- While geoglyphs are more commonly associated with other regions like the Nazca Lines in Peru, there are examples of geoglyphs in the Mojave Desert as well.
- The Blythe Intaglios, located in the lower Colorado River valley near Blythe, California, is a notable example of geoglyphs in the Mojave Desert. These large human and animal figures were created by scraping away dark rocks to reveal the lighter soil beneath.

Preservation of these cultural artifacts is crucial, and many sites are protected to prevent vandalism and degradation. Researchers and archaeologists work to study and document these features, shedding light on the history and practices of the indigenous peoples who lived in the Mojave Desert. It is important visitors respect and avoid disturbing these archaeological sites to ensure their preservation for future generations.

Serrano Indians

https://mojavedesert.net/serrano-indians/

Communal grinding stone in San Bernardino Mountains

The Serrano are a Native American people who historically resided in the San Bernardino Mountains and the surrounding areas of Southern California, including the Mojave Desert. They are part of the larger Serrano branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family. (also see Vanyume)

Here are some key points about the Serrano Indians:

Language: The Serrano people traditionally spoke the Serrano language, a member of the Takic subgroup of the Uto-Aztecan language family. Like many Native American languages, the Serrano language is endangered, and there are limited fluent speakers today.
Lifestyle and Subsistence: The Serrano were traditionally hunter-gatherers, relying on the region’s rich natural resources. They hunted game, gathered plants, and engaged in fishing. Acorns were a significant food source, and the Serrano developed various methods for processing and preparing acorns for consumption.
Houses and Shelters: The Serrano traditionally lived in dome-shaped structures known as kish, which were constructed from a framework of willow branches covered with brush and reeds. These structures were well-suited to the climate of the region.
Cultural Practices: The Serrano had a rich cultural and spiritual life, with ceremonies, rituals, and traditions that were closely tied to their environment. They believed in a variety of supernatural beings and spirits.
Contact with Europeans: European contact with the Serrano people began with the arrival of Spanish explorers and missionaries in the late 18th century. Like many Native American groups, the Serrano experienced significant disruptions to their way of life due to the introduction of new diseases, cultural changes, and the influence of European settlers.
Reservation: In the mid-19th century, as Euro-American settlers expanded into Southern California, the Serrano people faced displacement from their traditional lands. In the 20th century, some members of the Serrano Nation settled on the San Manuel Indian Reservation near Highland, California.
Contemporary Issues: Today, the Serrano people, like many Native American communities, face challenges related to economic development, healthcare, education, and cultural preservation. Efforts have been made to revitalize cultural practices and traditions.

It’s important to note that the history and experiences of Native American tribes are diverse, and individual tribes have unique cultures, histories, and contemporary challenges.

Mojave Indians

https://mojavedesert.net/mojave-indians/

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The Mojave people, also known as the Mohave or Mojave Indians, are a Native American group indigenous to the Colorado River basin, which spans parts of present-day California, Arizona, Nevada, and Utah.

Here are some key aspects of the Mojave Indians:

Geography: The traditional homeland of the Mojave people includes the Mojave Desert and the Colorado River basin. They are closely associated with the Mojave Desert, a harsh and arid region with extreme temperatures.
Language: The Mojave people traditionally spoke the Mojave language, part of the Yuman language family. Like many Native American languages, Mojave is endangered, with relatively few fluent speakers remaining today.
Lifestyle and Subsistence: The Mojave were traditionally semi-nomadic people, adapting their lifestyle to the challenges of the desert environment. They engaged in hunting, gathering, and fishing along the Colorado River. The mesquite tree in the region was a crucial food source, providing beans ground into flour.
Houses and Shelters: The Mojave traditionally lived in dome-shaped homes made from brush and other natural materials. These structures were called “káa nyava” or “a nyava.” In addition to these homes, temporary shelters were constructed during travels.
Contact with Europeans: Like many Native American tribes, the Mojave encountered European explorers, missionaries, and settlers. Spanish missionaries established missions in the region in the 18th century. Europeans’ arrival significantly impacted Mojave society, introducing new technologies, trade goods, and diseases.
Steamboats and Trade: In the 19th century, the Colorado River became an important transportation route for steamboats, facilitating trade. The Mojave people traded with non-Native groups, exchanging goods such as mesquite products, pottery, and woven items.
Fort Mojave Reservation: The Fort Mojave Reservation was established in 1880 along the Colorado River, encompassing parts of Arizona, California, and Nevada. It is the home of the Fort Mojave Indian Tribe, which includes Mojave, Chemehuevi, and Navajo people.
Contemporary Challenges: Like many Native American communities, the Mojave faces contemporary challenges, including issues related to economic development, healthcare, education, and cultural preservation. Efforts have been made to revitalize cultural practices and promote the community’s well-being.

As with any Native American group, it is important to recognize the diversity and uniqueness of Mojave culture and history. Individual experiences and traditions within the tribe can vary.

Chemehuevi Indians

The Chemehuevi are a Native American tribe that primarily resides in the southwestern United States, particularly in the states of California, Arizona, and Nevada. The name “Chemehuevi” is derived from their Mojave name, which means “those who play with fish.” They are closely related to the Southern Paiute people and have historical and cultural ties to other indigenous groups in the region.

Key points about the Chemehuevi Indians include:

Location: Traditionally, the Chemehuevi inhabited the areas around the eastern shores of the Salton Sea in California, the Colorado River, and parts of Arizona and Nevada.
Language: The Chemehuevi people speak the Chemehuevi language, which is part of the Numic branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family. However, today, only a few individuals still speak their native language fluently.
Subsistence: Historically, the Chemehuevi were skilled hunters and gatherers. They relied on hunting game, fishing, and gathering wild plants for their sustenance. The availability of the resources in the arid region influenced their nomadic lifestyle.
Contact with Europeans: Like many Native American tribes, the Chemehuevi encountered European explorers and settlers, including Spanish missionaries and later American pioneers. These interactions significantly impacted their way of life, introducing new technologies and diseases and disrupting traditional practices.
Reservation: The Chemehuevi Reservation was established in the 1860s along the Colorado River. The Chemehuevi Reservation is located near Havasu Lake, California. This area is the primary home for the tribe today.
Contemporary Issues: Like many Native American communities, the Chemehuevi face various challenges, including issues related to cultural preservation, economic development, healthcare, and education. The tribe has made efforts to preserve and revitalize their cultural heritage.

It’s important to note that the history and experiences of Native American tribes are diverse, and individual tribes have unique cultures, histories, and contemporary challenges.